The Right of Citizens to Keep and Bear Guns: A Violation of the Article 3 and 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights- Study Case of USA, South Africa, France and India-Recommendations to United Nations Based on China’s Experience (Published)
This article raises the issue of the right of citizens to keep and bear guns. The right of citizens to keep and bear guns is the right conferred by governments to people to own a gun for the purpose of self-defense. However, for more than two decades, this right has become a tool of violation of human rights across the world, justified by a high rate of gun related deaths, violence and gun delinquency. More than two hundred thousand people die by private guns every year around the world, either by homicide or suicide. Amnesty International talks about a human right crisis, putting the life of seven billion of people in danger, threatening global security and peace, and causing serious consequences on the socioeconomic life of the countries, in violation of the Article 3 and 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Based on the case of USA, South Africa, France and India, this article shows the consequences that this legislation causes on the humanity, demonstrates the efficiency of the China’s gun policy and recommends to United Nations to require to State members to abolish the right of citizens to guns following China’s experience, and to establish a world day against the right of citizens to guns.
The United Nations Leadership Role in Solving the Western Sahara Conflict: Progress, or Delays for Peace (Published)
This essay evaluates the United Nations’ (UN) involvement and efforts in Western Sahara, and assesses its perceived effectiveness in settling this conflict in the post-Cold War international order. The dispute in Western Sahara is the most protracted conflict in the history of the UN. Its settlement would provide a crucial platform for the progress of other unresolved conflicts under UN auspices. As a mediator and an intervening party, the UN has played a major role in the dispute, especially since the establishment of the UN Mission for Western Sahara, MINURSO. After outlining the history of the Western Sahara conflict, this paper elucidates the stages the UN has managed therein, and clarifies the reasons and motives behind the deadlock in the Sahara. The UN’s efforts are evaluated, and the negotiating perspectives of the concerned parties in the conflict and role of Algeria, which considers itself not formally part of the conflict despite its role in preserving the current impasse, analysed.
Reflections on International Sanctions as Conflict Management Tools within the Collective Security System (Published)
Within international relations settings, the debate regarding the use and effectiveness of international sanctions as conflict management tools transcends an academic debate. In this paper, we discussed the application of sanctions and its variations that have contributed to conflict resolution in post-World War II era. We argued that the United Nations (a progeny of the collective security system after the League of Nations) has applied sanctions to manage a chunk of protracted conflicts, although in some cases such attempts have rather exacerbated conflicts. And to that extent, the role of international sanctions in this whole collective engagement business is never a write-off. We suggested that, sanctions that are a form of punishment are usually applied in response to aggressive actions, which aim at compelling wrong-doers to comply with laid down rules and norms. This work attempts an evaluation on the potency of this rather controversial technique that has been prescribed for under Articles 39, 41 and 42 of United Nations Charter. ; as a method that can be implored by member-states to enforce international law rules, of course with the expressed approval of the Security Council.
The United Nations/African Union Intervention in the Darfur Conflict (2007-2010): Achievements, Challenges and Lessons for the Future (Published)
The paper examined the activities of the African Union (AU) and the United Nations aimed at resolving conflict and maintaining peace and security especially in Darfur, the secondary method of data collection and analysis was adopted. The study made use of conflict theory as the framework of analysis. The findings of the research revealed: that the conflict in Darfur was caused by the colonial heritage, ethnic rivalry, religious intolerance and ecological challenges; that AU and UN have contributed significantly in the peace process in Darfur in the areas of protection of lives and properties, provision of humanitarian assistance, provision of enabling environment for negotiation, among others. Nonetheless, these were not without challenges ranging from logistics, ecological, corruption. The following recommendations were arrived at: proper training for the AU / UN officials on peace keeping; cooperation of all the parties, especially the Sudanese government and AU /UN member states towards conflict resolution; and demonstration of political will by the international community.
INTERNATIONAL ADMINISTRATION IN THE POST-CONFLICT SITUATION IN AFRICA BY THE UNITED NATIONS AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL ACTORS (Review Completed - Accepted)
A common position adopted by international organization is that they establish the rule of law after violent internal conflict which is an essential pre-requisite in the transition from war to peace. A post-conflict state begins with the problem of order. In some instances ( such as El Salvador, Mali, Central African Republic, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, Ruwada, Nicaragua, Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, South Africa, Cambodia, and Liberia), a peace agreement (often internationally mediated) may restore the authority of the state over its territory and implement peaceful means for sharing power or regulating the competition for power. In other instances, either the pre-existing state has completely collapsed, so that there is no over-arching indigenous political authority left, or the authority of the state has shrunk back to only a portion of the territory over which it exercises international legal sovereignty. Thus International Administration in post-conflict situation in Africa by the United Nations and other International Actors is in various con-apartments. The study is basically a qualitative in nature relying mainly on secondary sources of data from internet sources, official documents and country websites as the method of data collection. We made use of qualitative-descriptive analysis as our method of data analysis, that is, documentary studies of official document in other materials in analyzing the secondary data. The major purpose of embarking on this research is to appraise international administration in post-conflict situation in Africa by the United Nations (UN) and other international actors like African Union (AU), and probably others. Thus, we were able to make the following principle findings that, one, UN administration of post-conflict peace-building has not enhanced enduring peace in Africa. Two that African Union administration of post-conflict situation has not resulted to sustainable peace in Africa. On the bases of these, we recommend, one, there is need for United Nations (UN) to reform its administration of post-conflict peace-building framework in order to enhance enduring or lasting peace in Africa. Two, there is need for African Union (AU) to reform its administration of post-conflict re-construction framework necessary for achieveing sustainable peace in Africa.
UNITED NATIONS-ECOWAS INTERVENTION IN MALI- GUINEA BISSAU: GEO-ECONOMIC AND STRATEGIC ANALYSIS (Review Completed - Accepted)
Intervention in terms of international law, is the term for the use of force by one country or sovereign state in the internal or external affairs of another. In most cases, intervention is considered to be an unlawful. Oppenheim (1992) defines intervention as a forcible or dictorial interference by a State in the affairs of another State calculated to impose certain conduct or consequences on that other State. The military intervention by ECOWAS has not been totally successful in quelling conflicts, crisis of regime change and political succession and military intervention into politics in the West African sub-region and the Africa generally. Intervention can be done by various means, e.g. military, subversive, economic, or diplomatic. The latest of these conflicts in the sub-region which ECOWAS has intervened are Mali and Guinea Bissau in 2012. The objective has been to restore democracy by forcing the military back to the barracks or restricting it to the constitutional role of protecting the territorial integrity from internal insurrection and external aggression. But the root causes of military intervention into politics and crisis of regime change or political succession are yet to be adequately addressed by the ECOWAS, for example, issues of legitimacy crisis, poor governance, bad leadership, political leadership failure, political corruption, electoral crisis and political violence have been largely left unattended or ignored. The political conditions in most of the countries in the sub-region and indeed Africa as a whole are not democracy friendly or unsuitable for democratization and flourishing of democracy or demilitarization (Aning and Bah, 2010; Sperling, 2011). Most scholars like Nowrot and Schabacker (1998) focus on the legality of ECOWAS intervention while the likes of Olonisakan (2010) concentrates on the effectiveness of the military intervention in quelling conflicts in the West African sub-region. Despite the fact that peacekeeping partnerships are yet to mature, the general consensus is that the world is headed towards greater integration between the UN and regional arrangements such as Ecowas. Such institutions play an important role, especially in a world with power imbalances, distrust and unrest. Cooperation among states towards peacekeeping mechanisms gives birth to opportunities for burden sharing, balancing power, pursuing self-interest and generally preventing the collapse of world order as it stands. In light of the changing security dynamics, peace operations have become both all the more complex and important. Bringing together regional arrangements allows flexibility for political manoeuvring and unity vis-à-vis mission mandate and implementation. Still in its infancy, peacekeeping alliances should be viewed as a means to an end rather than an end unto itself. It is impossible to obtain a foolproof hybrid operation. But with each step forward, finding common ground for joint preparation mechanisms becomes all the more easier.This paper titled “UN-ECOWAS intervention in Mali: Geo-Economic and Strategic Analysis” . The study is basically a qualitative research method relying mainly on secondary sources of data from internet source, official documents and country websites as the method of data collection. We made use of qualitative – descriptive analysis as our method of data analysis, that is, documentary studies of official document and other materials in analyzing the secondary data. The major purpose of embarking on this research is to examine the geo-economic and strategic implications of UN-ECOWAS intervention in Mali. Thus, we were able to make the following principal findings that, one, the delayed UN backed ECOWAS humanitarian intervention deepened the crisis in Mali. Two, that the poorly funded UN supported ECOWAS peacekeeping intervention worsened the terrorist attack in Mali. On the basis of this, we recommend, one, that UN and ECOWAS should evolve a rapid and quick deployment of humanitarian intervention forces in order to lesson crisis. Two, that UN and ECOWAS should adequately fund peacekeeping intervention forces in order to reduce terrorist attack.