The Use of Power and Ideology in Guantanamo: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Andy Worthington’s The Guantanamo Files (Published)
The research deals with the use of power and ideology in Andy Worthington’s The Guantanamo Files (2007) as the narratives (generally called Gitmo narratives) of the detainees show the betrayal of American ideals, U.S. constitution and international laws about human rights. Since its inception, Guantanamo Bay Camp is an icon of American military power, hegemony and legal exceptionalism in the ‘Global War on Terror’. In order to the analyze the selected text, the ‘discourse as social practices’ with special reference to power and ideology which is the third dimension of the tripartite framework proposed by Norman Fairclough (1995), is applied comprehensively as a theoretical framework for this research. The research reveals the truth and reality of the power structure and hegemonic designs of American ideology to discriminate and to stereotype the male Muslims as terrorists in Guantanamo. The discourse of these Gitmo narratives is also related with the issue of closing this notorious camp which has gained a great attention for the international media, lawyers, human rights activists and civil society.
Unlike the earlier linguistic studies of political discourse which focused on the genres of campaign speeches, presidential inaugural addresses, interviews, political advertisements and newspaper advertorials, this study examines the face acts and impoliteness strategies in Obasanjo’s appeal letter to former Nigerian President Jonathan; titled ‘Before it is too late” ( i.e BITL). Simple percentage statistical tool was used to analyse the face acts and impoliteness strategies in it. Besides, Brown and Levinson’s (1987) face acts, Culpeper’s (1996), impoliteness and VanDijk’s (1977) socio-cognitive theories serve as the eclectic theoretical framework for the study. The findings revealed that Obasanjo’s BITL is characterised by FTA with redress, bald-on-record politeness and FSA . The text is equally characterised by bald-on-record impoliteness, mock impoliteness, as well as negative and positive impoliteness strategies. Also, Obasanjo used dysphemisms and expletives as tools to butt Goodluck Jonathan and to impose on his audience’s face want. The author rides on participants’ shared cognitive and situational knowledge to pract threatening, condemning warning, stating, praising and sympathising. It was also revealed that FSA was used by Obasanjo to exonerate himself from the alleged Jonathan’s ‘misrule’. The paper concludes that only the understanding of cognition, discourse and context interface could be used to infer the meaning construction and comprehension as well as the author’s intention from the text of BITL.
This paper is an analysis of the social actors in bilateral and multilateral unequal treaties investigating the system of ideas that expresses the interests of the powerful states engaged in the treaties in question. It tries to answer the following: how do the unequal treaties represent the social actors? Thus, the study aims at uncovering the ideological stance behind including or excluding treaties’ participants. For this end, the study analyzes six treaties using Van Leeuwn’s (1996:66) model .It has been found that social actors are represented in various ways and for various rationales. They are included to be assigned a responsibility, and to legitimate the stipulations agreed upon. They are excluded when the most significant part of the message is introduced instead, as being more important than its doers or to generalize the intended acts. In all cases, the ideological perspective involves satisfying the states’ interests.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is an intergovernmental organizations dealing with the rules of trade between its members. According to theory and organizational norms, in principle, only sovereign states and the separate customs territories are eligible to have the full membership of the WTO and enjoy the legal rights and have obligations. In addition to the members, the WTO also allows non-state actors, particularly nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) whose international legal personality are not recognized, to participate in international trade with diverse paths in respect of WTO activities. By analyzing two cases about the Biotech Products Dispute and the AIDS Drugs in South Africa, this paper compares the participation of NGOs and Transnational Corporations (TNCs) in the WTO. It shows that in spite of the similarity of their nature—the transnational non-state actor—between NGOs and TNCs, the formal participation of the former in the WTO has far less influence than the informal participation of the latter. In other words, TNCs seems to have much more real influence over the WTO than NGOs. This research finding demonstrates that forms of participation or pure institutional participation do not guarantee non-state actors to exert their influence on the WTO. Conversely, what kind of power used by them and the relationship they established with members’ governments are the critical factors to explain whether NGOs really can make some differences in the WTO.
The present paper attempts to analyse the main front-page headlines of eight Egyptian newspapers, with different mainstream readerships, reporting a single political news issue. On the 13th of April 2013, the retrial of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was postponed when the judge withdrew from the case and referred it to another court. The next day, all Egyptian newspapers tackled the event. A critical discourse analysis is carried out to investigate the way language is used to shape certain political ideologies in the newspapers’ headlines. The study concludes that despite their claim of being objective, newspapers represent news in a way that propagates their preferred ideologies. Hence, other than being a means of communication, newspapers seem to be an instrument of power, control and manipulation.
Design of a Renewable Energy Output Prediction System for 1000mw Solar-Wind Hybrid Power Plant (Published)
Problems associated with non-renewable energy sources such as fossil fuels make it necessary to move to cleaner renewable energy sources such as wind and solar. But the wind and sun are both intermittent sources of energy therefore accurate forecasts of wind and solar power are necessary to ensure the safety, stability and economy of utilizing these resources in large scale power generation. In this study, five meteorological parameters namely Temperature, Rainfall, Dew Point, Relative Humidity and Cloud Cover were collected for the year 2012 and used to predict wind and solar power output in Jos, Nigeria. The study used prediction algorithms such as Regression techniques and Artificial Neural Networks to predict the output of a 1000mW Solar-Wind Hybrid Power Plant over a period of one year. Individual prediction techniques were compared and Isotonic Regression was found to have the highest accuracy with errors of 40.5% in predicting solar power generation and 35.4% in predicting wind power generation. The relatively high levels of error are attributed to several limitations of the research work.
Home as a Battlefield: Power and Gender in Harold Pinter’s the Collection, the Lover and Old Times (Published)
Harold Pinter has been hailed as a dramatist among the half-dozen best dramatists, able to use his considerable wit in unusual, resonant and riveting ways. The central theme of his work is one of the dominant themes of twentieth-century art: the struggle for meaning in a fragmented world. His characters are uncertain of whom or what they understand, in whom or what they believe, and who or what they are. Pinter’s characters operate by a stark ‘territorial imperative,’ a primal drive for possession. In his plays, the struggle for power is an atavistic one between male and female. Hence sexuality as a means of power and control is our priority in discussing a select set of Pinter’s playscripts. We here examine the element of sexuality in these chosen texts analysing the relationship between male and female characters, as they snipe and sling potshots across the most intimate of all battlefields: our home and castle. The texts are studied individually, in sequence, in an attempt to lay bare the technique and leverage of sexual negotiations in Pinter’s work.
Sexual, Textual and Traumatic subjectivity: August Strindberg representation of class and sexual conflict in Miss Julie (Review Completed - Accepted)
This paper aims at understanding the importance of sexuality and the ways in which sexuality is accorded central status in an attempt to understand human relations, pleasure and satisfaction, sexual subject in culture, to reveal varying degrees of trepidation and anxiety about the ambiguities of sexuality i.e androgyny represents the resolution of the anxieties and tensions of sexual difference in favor of complementarity. In terms of class and gender this paper explores the patriarchal and misogynistic frameworks in which gender and sex were constructed in late 19th century and early 20th century; and how class and power mean mean that, that sexual never signifies in social isolation i.e power comes into play in the machinery of production, in families, limited groups and institutions. In terms of traumatic theory, this paper will see at how sexual trauma takes form of a psychological and ontological angst after reaching sexual maturity.
VOTING POWERS AND A FUNCTIONAL REPRESENTATION OF THE VOTING CLOUT OF UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL MEMBERS WITH VETO POWER RELAXATION (Published)
An independent mathematical structure was developed for the computation of the voting powers of United Nations Security Council members using the Shapley value concept, cooperative games and deft constructions of coalition sets. The results, obtained through Microsoft Excel implementations show that each permanent member has more than ten times as much voting clout as all ten nonpermanent members put together. A sensitivity analysis-based theorem was formulated to address this unacceptable unwholesome lopsidedness in voting powers while preserving the veto status of permanent members.Finally the paper exploited the Shapley value concept to obtain mathematical formulations and representations of voting powers of the members subject to any resolution passing threshold of votes supported by at least a partial coalition of Permanent representatives. The solution expressions can be used to obtain various levels of voting powers by appropriate adjustments of the parameters, thus giving prescriptions for more equitable distribution of voting powers.
The centrality of power in any political setting is axiomatic. Small wonder or no wonder capturing it has almost become a do or die affairs. It is incontrovertible that the nationalist struggle was not a power tussle among Nigerians but rather between Nigerians and the British colonialists. However, towards the twilight of independence, Nigeria’s political terrain has been fraught with rabid competition for power even up till now. While in other climes, leadership position to a reasonable extent is tied mainly to performance criteria, in Nigeria, it is laced with economic and ethnic connotations. The above scenario has become a perennial as well as recurring decimal in Nigeria. The corollary is the furore surrounding the 2015 general elections. The power melodrama pundits argue if not well managed can have serious implication for democratic consolidation particularly as the country approaches another election year. The paper affirmed that power sharing or rotational presidency lacks legitimacy. It assessed the federal character principle as enshrined in the 1999 constitution of Nigeria. The work examined the hurdles to 2015 general elections. It concluded by proposing some policy options while relying on secondary source of data.
Islam as a religion and social order which seeks power, state and governance of a polity in line with the external principles laid down in the Holy Quran and Hadith and demand every believer to actively participate and struggle to establish supremacy of the righteous moral conduct. Consequent upon the above, the reformist calls on believers across the Muslim world to build a fair, just and acceptable society based on principles of Islamic ideologies of governance to restore human dignity and social cleansing. As a result, some Islamic Movements emerged in places like the Mahdi Movement in Sudan, Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Jama’atmi Movement in Pakistan, Taliban in Afghanistan, Islamic Revolution in Iran, the Sokoto Jihad in Nigeria, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and Hamas in Palestine that try to seek power, state as well as establish good governance. However, so many challenges came on their ways among which include internal and external problem. This paper therefore, attempted to assess and analysis the struggle of Islamic movement, power and state and above all the challenges of governance using Islamic Republic of Iran and Afghanistan as a state model