Sri Aurobindo’s theory of Boycott is very important not only in the context of Indian politics but also to understand the inherent salient feature of Indian independence movement taken place in the pre-independent India. His theory concerning boycott has five counterparts, namely economic boycott, educational boycott, administrative boycott, judicial boycott and social boycott, to convey the uniqueness. Sri Aurobindo discovered the spiritual implication behind this theory of boycott which conveys the uniqueness of his thesis. To him the word ‘boycott’ spiritually stands as a means to preach for Zeitgeist both in the form of Kali and Krishna unlike Bankim. His thesis of boycott is commonly misinterpreted as an act of violence but Sri Aurobindo compared it with an act of self-preservance of the Kshatriya. The way of boycott is somewhat similar with concept of svadharma of the Kshatriya. The political battle of boycott seemed necessary to him for bringing the desired Indian independence. In this way the spiritual sense of boycott becomes inseparable with its political sense to Sri Aurobindo.
Boko Haram: The Birth, Geography and Hypotheses Responsible For the Sustenance of the Conflict in Nigeria (Published)
There are many states on the northern border of Nigeria with Niger, Chad and Cameroon. And in these states, there are many ethnic groups. However, it is only the Kanuri enclave of Borno and Yobe states that produced the radical Islamic boko haram sect. It is the informed position of this paper that one of the reasons why the Kanuri gestated boko haram was largely due to the international territorial advantage they have. The reason is that the Kanuri is the only ethnic group in northern Nigeria that undistorted distribution into neighbouring countries of Chad, Cameroon and Niger, with the special feature of almost uninterrupted spread. Therefore, the paper argues that this geographical advantage certainly has a fundamental role in the on-going conflict of the boko haram. It is also the submission of this paper that the version of Islam prevalent in the Kanuri enclave is predisposed to radicalism that boko haram prides with. It is common knowledge that since the conflict ensued, the Nigerian government has taken measures aimed at curtailing moments of attacks and frustrating the movement’s ambition. This desire is yet a success. Therefore, the paper appraises the methodologies so far employed, identifying why they have not worked, and probably why they will never work for this conflict that has lasted for a decade now.
Politics is omnipotent and omnipresent in the day to day affairs of individuals and institutions of the state and the ability of politics to live up to expectations in overseeing the day to day affairs of members of the society can only be possible if there is stability in the political system. Regrettably the attitudes of Nigerians do not correspond with the high and towering status of politics as a determinant factor in the quality of life and quality of development of a people. Rather than being totally committed by actively participating in politics, majority of Nigerians embrace apathy and other behaviours whose manifestations pose serious threats to stability in the political system. Using the philosophical methods, this paper makes a case on how education through curricular and pedagogical innovations can create awareness, sensitize and stimulate in Nigerians behavivours whose sustenance can promote and lay solid foundations for political stability in Nigeria. The paper among others suggests that teaching Nigerians how to morally play the game of politics according to rules governing the game, making civic education compulsory and teaching learners to be critical, logical and analytical especially on how to build the Nigeria of their dream through politics and participation in politics can be measures for achieving political stability in Nigeria.
Women’s participation in politics is a contentious issue in the Nigerian political life. Over the years marginalization has characterized women participation in politics due to various inhibiting social, cultural and religious forces. These forces affected women’s perception of politics leading to a very low level of political interest, knowledge and activities of women in politics. Nigeria politics became male – dominated almost making the women virtually politically invisible. However, various moves to inculcate skills and knowledge that will liberate women from abject poverty (socially, economically and politically) are on. These will go a long way to increase and improve women participation in politics in Nigeria. Women are believed to have an exciting political prospect in Nigeria. The issue of inequality has therefore been perceived by different people especially the women folk as an attempt to erode their fundamental rights. In short, Women Participation in Nigerian politics is a topic of importance. Politically, women have been relegated to the background, despite the tremendous effort put forward by government and non-governmental organizations following the declaration made at the fourth World Conference on women in Beijing, which advocated 30% affirmative action and National Gender Policy (NGP) recommendation of 35% affirmative action for a more inclusive representation of women both in elective and appointive positions. It is worthy to note as revealed by this paper, that Nigerian women are still being marginalized due to the style of leadership inherent in the country. Despite the challenges women are facing, it was discovered that women activism and advocacy, education of women, positivity on the part of successive governments towards women empowerment and interest of women to participate in politics is getting a lot of positive energy. It is therefore, an indication that the participation of women in politics has a bright future. But, this is not without that, relevant stakeholders are advised to advocate for the protection of women from abuse, empower them economically and politically and review the necessary legislations to accommodate the growing interest of women in politics both elective and appointive positions.
The Effects of Political Factors on Public Service Motivation: Evidence from the Lebanese Civil Service (Published)
The widespread infusion of pro-market and business management principles into the public sector has impeded the behaviour of civil servants who are motivated by intrinsic motives, not external ones. Besides, the infusion of such principles caused great threats to basic values of the civil service, like equity, fairness, justice, accountability, impartiality, political neutrality, public welfare and other values related to the public sector. From here, public service motivation (PSM) emanates as a reaction against these principles/techniques in the civil service. PSM has been studied in different developed countries; however, it was almost ignored in developing countries, especially Arab states. This study focuses on two significant under theorized areas: the conceptualization of PSM in the Lebanese civil service, and the identification of an external dimension (political factors) and its role in facilitating or obstructing the development of this construct.
Literature and Politics-A Review of George Orwell’s Animal Farm And Chinua Achebe’s A Man of the People (Published)
Philosophical discussion of the topic “the interrelations of literature and politics” can take many forms. For instance, one might be concerned to argue for or against the claim that literature must be understood as a product of the social and political forces that are at work when it is produced. Or, one might be concerned to assess the claim that literature is a form of political critique, perhaps even a preeminent form of it. Or, one might argue that literature can induce political change, that is, can be revolutionary—perhaps that it should be. Further questions involve how political and aesthetic properties interact in works. Does the presence of both sorts of property in a work create difficulty for aesthetic judgment? If one thinks that aesthetic judgment requires separating aesthetic from political properties in some strict way, the presence of political properties in the work will be problematic for aesthetic judgment. The problem might go as well to the heart of artistic production—that is, formalism of various stripes holds that one isn’t “really” creating art, if one is creating political “art.” Or one might be concerned that political and aesthetic properties are so intertwined that strongly negative or positive political judgment might spoil aesthetic judgment.Recent cases in the relationships of literature and politics often are drawn from music or cinema, for example, Dady Lumba’s Nana oye winner (A signature tune of the present ruling New Patriotic Party,NPP, a political party in Ghana), and Dee Aja’s Onaapo (A signature tune of the National Democratic Congress, NDC, the main opposition political party in Ghana today). Typically, issues of the political nature of art center on conceptions of artistic content, even where content is considered in relation to aesthetic form. In this paper, we focus instead on the interrelations of literature and politics from the print point of view. More specifically, we investigate claims that literature can criticize and alter political belief by being experienced in terms of its form in Chinua Achebe’s novel A Man of the People and George Orwell’s Animal Farm which are admired by some for their technical innovations and formal composition but reproached for their political content by others. This battle of complementation and condemnation of political satires applies to other standard cases such as Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice, Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Luís Bernardo Honwana Who kill mangy dog, and Knut Hamsun’s Hunger, Kwame Nkrumah’s I Speak of Freedom.This study indulges the political satire in George Orwell’s Animal Farm and Chinua Achebe’s A Man of the People.
The study hinged on the investigation of ethnicity and the East African political, social, and economic unity. The study employed a descriptive cross- sectional research design, with qualitative and quantitative approaches. The study used 385 respondents, selected using random and purposive sampling techniques in the study selected areas in Masaka, Katuna, Nimule, Kampala, Malaba and Mutukula. The study discovered that, ethnicity has negatively influenced the formation of the East African political, social and economic unity of Ugandans. The study concluded, that the different and contrasting interpretation of cultures, norms, customs and traditions of the Ugandan people cannot allow the idea of the East African federation to be successful as it is projected in the political, social, and economic spheres on Ugandans. The study recommended for the establishment of a cultural model federation that is widely open politically, socially and economically to all groups of people in the region.
Politics of Educational Policies Implementation: Focus On Universal Basic Education in Akwa Ibom State (Published)
The purpose of this paper was to examine politics of educational policies implementation with special focus on the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme in Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Also, the paper aimed at highlighting the influence of politics on administration and full implementation of free and compulsory education in Akwa Ibom State. Historical analysis of educational policies in Nigeria with a particular reference to free and compulsory education was considered. Issues that cause political influence on education and politics in UBE programme implementation in Akwa Ibom were analyzed. This research by implications is justified by the recommended strategies for effective Universal Basic Education programme implementation in Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria.
Needed Urgently: A Pedagogy for Boosting the Interests of Youths in Citizenship and Civic Education in Nigeria (Published)
Policies and policy directions in Nigeria are terribly shallow in terms of welfare considerations for the youths and the sustainable development of the Nigerian state. Adults who have been at the helm of affairs have been superlatively self-centered and this has consequently retarded general development in the Nigerian state in general and detrimentally hampered the development of the youths in particular. This paper makes a case for citizenship and civic education for the youths as a viable option for reversing this unfortunate trend. The paper extols the values of citizenship and civic education as needed innovations to affect the necessary changes and makes a case for urgent pedagogical re-engineering where the interests of the youths can be boosted in citizenship and civic education as a strategy to reverse the ugly trend. The paper proposes and recommends that such pedagogical strategies can focus on sensitizing the youths on the dangers that are inherent in their continued marginalization, making youths to think critically and analytically especially on how their participation in civic and democratic processes can reverse the trends in their favour, making social justice and good governance the focus of educational provision for youths and translating theory into practice by inculcating democratic norms of participation, commitment to learning, agreeing with others and accommodating divergent views of others.
Over the years Nigerian writers have consistently sustained the relationship between literature and politics. They perceptively engaged this connection since the colonial era, with the stages of the nation’s political development at the centre of the discourse. The reason is not farfetched; literature is a reflection of the environment in which it evolves. A writer’s ideology is shaped by the society and bears witness to its humanity. As imaginative as art is, it is the expression of a larger background: every work of literature signifies a time, place and people. An indication of the importance of art in the society is exposed in the way literature has remained part of the progress of man and his surroundings. Thus, one of the fundamental arguments of literature in exploring this relationship is to establish the fact that Literature and politics are intrinsically tied. Therefore, this paper investigates the concept of national and sustainable development in Pius Adesanmi’s NAIJA NO DEY CARRY LAST. It explores the use of satire to create political awareness and national memory. Furthermore, this paper scrutinizes the growth of Nigeria’s democracy and the commitment of successive leaders. It arrivals at the conclusion that NAIJA NO DEY CARRY LAST provides evidence that retention of national memory guarantees hope for a recovered Nigeria of the future and attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals.
Either directly or indirectly Christians involve themselves in politics. Today, the church interacts regularly with politics or with politicians and governments in three broad areas – in the articulation of its social teaching, in discussions arising from its involvement in schools, hospitals and welfare and in debate over particular moral issues as they arise from time to time. However, there is a common saying in the Christian fold, whether or not a true Christian should participate in politics by vying for a political post. Therefore, this study explores who is a Christian, Christian perspective on politics, reasons why Christians should be involved in politics and effect of Christian virtues in political system. The study concluded that politics is the thought, purpose and intention of God and the will of God for believers to participate in politics. Perhaps, the believer will be able to impart the lifestyle of God over the nation. People should not see politics as blight or bad, it should be admitted that politics in any form is not bad but the political players are bad.
Leadership Styles and the Politics of Institutional Management of State-owned Universities in Nigeria: Empirical Evidence from EBSU, South-eastern Geo-Political Zone, Nigeria (Published)
This study has investigated the nature of leadership styles and the politics of institutional management in State-owned Universities in Nigeria. In the study, descriptive survey design was adopted. Generated data were analysed using the Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) via Special Package on Social Sciences (SPSS). Analysis was based on primary data generated through a structured likert questions administered on respondents. The result of the findings shows the need for the government to grant institutional autonomy to the management of state-owned universities in Nigeria and especially in the various 6 geo-political zones in other to achieve global best practices, organisational performance and sustainable human capital development within the purview of global/ international standards thereby providing relevant manpower training and general performance of its tasks in the areas of teaching, research, capacity building and community services, that will contribute meaningfully in institutional performance and rapid national development attainment in this 21st century.
The use of critical discourse analysis has led to the development of a different approach to the understanding of media messages. This study focusses on the deployment of lexical items by the broadcast media to portray the political actors in Osun State, South-western Nigeria. The data for the study centred on politics and are derived from selected radio news of Osun State Broadcasting Corporation, Nigeria. The selection of data was done by purposive sampling and cover the period from 2007 to 2010. This period of time was very significant because of the political activities as a result of the elections in Osun State, Nigeria. A content analysis of the data was carried out at the surface and deep levels using the linguistic approach and critical discourse analysis to bring out the ideologies and the underlying meanings embedded in the texts. The analysis reveals that the news items feature lexical choices projecting positive self-presentation of the ruling political party and negative other-presentation of the opponent.
Politicians make use of language for the purpose of achieving desired goals. In political utterances, many acts are performed as politicians through their speeches try to manipulate the listeners by the way they use language. This study investigates the deployment of speech acts and welfarist ideology in Governor Aregbesola’s address to the Osun State workers in commemoration of year 2013 “Workers’ Day”. The speech is selected for analysis to bring out Aregbesola’s language use and to highlight the welfarist ideology of the government of Osun State of Nigeria. The speech titled “Productivity is the key to Wealth” is analysed within the framework of J.R. Searle’s Speech Acts to bring out the illocutionary force in it. The analysis reveals Aregbesola’s language use in performing certain actions with a view to changing the attitudes of workers and also to project the government as welfarist in its programmes.
Liminality and Regeneration in Wahome Mutahi’s the House of Doom, Francis Imbuga’s Miracle of Remera and Moraa Gitaa’s the Crucible for Silver and Furnace for Gold (Published)
This paper is a critical interrogation of three Kenyan HIV/AIDS novels: Wahome Mutahi’s The House of Doom (2004), Francis Imbuga’s Miracle of Remera (2004) and Moraa Gitaa’s The Crucible for Silver and Furnace for Gold (2008). It examines how the enactments of illness by the diseased characters in the three texts relate to their quest for meaning. The paper has drawn primarily on the existentialist notions advanced by Jean Paul Sartre and Albert Camus, the Foucauldian postulations on the politics of and the care of the self and de Certeau’s thoughts on liminality. These paradigms have the self as a shared feature and are useful in focusing the analysis to the individuality of the diseased subjects and their relationship with themselves and the complex social world around them. The paper emanates from the need to foster understanding of the ontological issues surrounding AIDS experience.
Contemporary Social, Political and Religious Satire under the Silent Penetration of Poverty and Class Discrimination: An Exploration on Aravind Adiga’s ‘The White Tiger’ (Published)
“The White Tiger” is a Man Booker Prize (2008) winning book is written by the great Indian-Australian writer, Aravind Adiga. This article lets us know how the class discrimination is engulfing the Post-Colonial Indian Society under the silent penetration of poverty and corruption and how the human morality is decaying under the religious and political unrests. Here, the narrator and protagonist, Balram Halwai, struggles against his lower class society from the very initial time of his life. His life undergoes with serious sufferings from economical solvency because of being in the lower Hindu cast. He senses the tortures of the elite class people towards the deprived poor. He witnessed the deaths of many dreams in a poor family. He observes it as a “Rooster Coop” that stands for the extreme poverty where the people below the social margin remain in a great danger and never rebel against the society as they have no wealth and power. He scrutinizes the huge corruptions in politics and in every class he went through. As a driver, he has had a great chance to discover the great Indian corruptions on the root levels of cities and towns. His mind always rebels against those terminations but he is to go on as to be alive in his ways of being an enlightened person. Nevertheless, he takes in a great loss of pain but what he has gained at last is nothing but dishonesty and rampancy of corruption because all his perceptions are only for earthly happiness of money. What he got after killing Mr. Ashok and stealing his money (700,000 Rs.) is really a mystery to the readers. Significantly, Aravind Adiga has tried to rectify the human society by upholding the above facts that are running on ahead.
With increasing pressure from the Breton woods and other international donor organizations for African states to move towards good governance, some of these countries including Cameroon are gradually attempting to institute reforms towards the attainment of these goals. Apart from instituting reforms that will grant free political participation, the government of Cameroon has also come up with the policy of regional balance that is intended to ensure a kind of equality in the distribution of what is commonly referred to as the National Cake. It is important to note that Cameroon is very diverse in terms of Ethnic nationalities and there is a gross disparity amongst these nationalities in terms of the natural distribution of resources. Some of the regions are naturally richer than others in terms of natural potentials and the government in her quest for good governance has come up with the theory of regional balance to guarantee fairness in the distribution of these resources. The paper is aimed at examining the perception of good governance in Cameroon and whether these perceptions actually match the practical implementation of this concept. The study equally looks at the instruments of good governance and the progress that has been attained since the introduction of the concept of good governance. The tenets of good governance, its features and the major obstacles to its application constitute the main trust of this research work. With regards to methodology, this study adopts a kind of inter-disciplinary design given that the study cuts across issues of geography, resource allocation and management, state policy and balanced development put in historical perspective. A qualitative instrument of analysis was adopted to give a critical insight to issues of governance in the society under study. In doing this a serious dichotomy is drawn between the perception of this policy and its practical application on ground.
POLICE AND THE CHALLENGE OF CONDUCTING CREDIBLE ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA: AN EXAMINATION OF THE 2007 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION (Published)
The electoral process remains the most viable method of transfer of power from one regime to another in a democratic dispensation. Like in some other developing countries undergoing democratic experimentation, ensuring credible and transparent elections has been one of the major problems of Nigeria politics. The problem is more pronounced in civilian-to-civilian transitions than in military-to-civilian transition. In such transition, the electoral processes are rendered vulnerable to abuse through manipulation of the entire system. The political parties, especially those in power seek to manipulate institutional agencies to serve partisan interests. In most cases, the outcomes of the elections neither reflect the true choices of the electorates nor are they accepted. Most often than not, the situation raises integrity questions sometimes, attracting international condemnation that always lead to crisis of legitimacy as witnessed in previous elections of 1964, 1983, 2003 and 2007. In the event of lack of electoral integrity, various organs of the state are called upon to maintain law and order that will legitimize the new government. This is particularly so for the police, which is constitutionally charged with this role. However, the extent to which the police have discharged their election duties and what they have done to prevent or perpetrate electoral fraud remains a vital issue to be examined. Against this background, this study discusses the role of the police vis-a-vis the challenge of conducting credible elections in Nigeria. Exploring secondary data, the study examines the role played by the police in the 2007 presidential elections, and make recommendations on how to manage future elections to prevent electoral fraud. After the investigations carried out in this study, the following recommendations are made, massive education and training for the police, improvement in the welfare and promotion of police officers, a reduction in the volume of money and allowances paid to political office holders and creation of two million jobs to dry up the present pool of unemployed youths, among others.
Ethnics religious crises in Nigeria are deeply rooted and is threatening the very survival of the nation. It has negatively impacted on the socio-economic and bureaucratic landscape of Nigeria. To the degree that a lot of issues that should have been resolved are unnecessarily ethicised. It is persistent that the grievances, which normally provoke ethnic religious are most often than not demonstrated through sectarian crises, tribal unrests, bitter political complaints usually stoked by political elites, Incendiary media rhetoric reports and violent insurgents.The arguments in this study are reinforced through secondary source of data collection. Also, historical analysis of event is adopted due to the fact that Nigeria Society is better understood with reference to history.The story finds out that since the Colonial periods up till now, there have been ethnic and religious minorities that harbour grievance against the majorities. In view of the current events unfolding in the country the need has arisen for academic perusal on the issue in order to profer enduring panacea to checkmate the disintegration that may be invoked by ethnic-religiou palaver.
In the era of Web 2.0, social media are becoming more and more popular among politicians as well as their institutions as an indispensable tool for political messages broadcast, federation and mobilization of voters. Considered as means of communication, these social networking sites offer now real opportunities for innovative interaction (Dewing, 2010) . The use of these forms of social web quickly invaded the political arena, and drastically altered the political scenery.Thus, the main objective of this paper is to study the impact of online social media on voting behavior of the Tunisian voters in the 2014 elections. Through the data from a survey of a sample of 564 Tunisian voters, it was possible to unveil the debate about the political uses of social networks and identify their effect on the voting behavior of the Tunisian voters.