Psychology of Politics and Politicians in Nigeria: The Human and Social Governance Consequences (Published)
The research examined political psychology in Nigeria, characterized by political interest, godfatherism, rigging, thuggery, occultism, election litigation, and zoning politics. Participants were politicians and electorates. Information was gathered through direct observations, interviews and print sources, with analytical and descriptive designs. Findings were psychology of politics manifested as: Elitism, machination, group opportunity, business perception, godfatherism politics, socio-cultural consciousness, politics as criminal enterprise, life-time socioeconomic opportunity, including emasculating the Judiciary and Legislature. Psychology of politicians manifested as: Desperation, superiority status, extravagant lifestyle, betrayal of citizens, narcissistic personality, high selfishness/greed, deception/lying as skills/smartness, and pride/euphoria in associating with Federal Government’s might. The human/social governance consequences were: Social polarization, disappointed governance, loss of confidence in electoral system, corruption, poor societal development, misguided rule of law, exponential unemployment, poor standard of living, misguided life virtue, and embarrassing Judiciary. Proffered recommendations were improved political value system, proactive Judiciary, accountable politics/politicians, and stopping irresponsible political extravagant lifestyle.
The objective of this paper is to provide conceptual clarification of governance mechanisms based on a literature review applied to African family SMEs. The analysis of the literature review made it possible to understand the specificities of African family businesses through a better knowledge of their governance practices on the one hand, and by specific African management in the light of contemporary theories, on the other hand. The study analyses the cultural realities of the African field to propose an explanatory and interpretative framework in the context of African specific management.
Conflicts Of Interest or Wicked Problems? Implications for the Future Trends of Minority Group Voting Behaviour in the Us, Myanmar and Nigeria (Published)
Citizens desire equal representation and the guarantee of their rights and privileges by the elected governments of their nations. However, minority groups are overshadowed by overarching policy processes and actions favouring the racial, ethnic or religious majority groups by which their nations are identified. The paper generally assessed governance in the United States, Myanmar and Nigeria under Trump, Suu Kyi and Buhari respectively. Emphases were on the socio-political characteristics of the nations, the citizens’ expectations and their campaign promises vis-à-vis the post-electoral realities and policies implemented by their administrations. The multi-scalar analyses assessed the role of socialization processes in the leaders’ conflicts of interest, actions and consequently, the future trends of minority group voting behaviour. Findings from two 5-member focus group discussions organized in Nigeria provided the bases for the development of autochthonous strategies to address the ‘wicked problems’ deepening the racial and ethno-religious tensions underlying socio-political relations in the nations.
The Ngo-Government Relationship: A Case Study of the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP) and the Government of Gilgit-Baltistan in Deepening Good Governance (Published)
The study focuses on understanding the relationship between the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP), a Non-Government Organization (NGO) in rural development sector and the government of Gilgit-Baltistan in Pakistan. The relationship has advanced over the years by maintaining mutual respect without confronting each other by the two institutions. This progress in the relationship has brought a shift AKRSP’s programs, in form of policy advocacy and partnering government in development in the region. Interviews of representatives and members of Community Based Organisations (CBOs), AKRSP officials, and government officials are analysed along with documentary review through data triangulation. This study has made an attempt to understand the relationship between the two entities with a focus on the transformation that AKRSP has experienced from a service delivery organization to a policy advocate and a facilitator in developing linkages between communities and the government with the aim to improve the governance in the region.
This thesis offers a comparative evaluation of two Regional Ocean Governance [ROG] regimes: The Clean Bohai Sea Program [CBSP] in China, and the Chesapeake Bay Program [CBP] in the USA. This study compares and evaluates these two ROG regimes primarily from a governance and management perspective. The willingness to address ecological concerns, from a ROG perspective, is reflected in precisely how much participating jurisdictions are willing to divest themselves of unilateral power in order to cooperate across administrative boundaries. Is this central tenet of ROG actually being attempted by the participants in question? The principle objective of this paper is to evaluate how either regime compares to the theoretical framework of ROG, and whether or not the central concept of trans-jurisdictional integration is actually being attempted. First, this paper builds an analytical framework by offering a review of the basic concepts that define ROG. Secondly, this paper gives an overview of the CBSP and CBP regional ocean governance regimes and the places that define them. Finally, this study compares and contrasts the two ROG regimes in question. This study finds that while both the CBP and CBSP represent genuine attempts at ROG by their respective governments, the CBSP nonetheless deviates substantially from the basic principles of ROG as outlined in the literature. The CBSP’s management mechanism does not align with ROG principles and fails to truly instigate trans-jurisdictional integration. Stakeholder engagement is also not integral to the CBSP, and the CBSP’s monitoring network does not represent an integrated monitoring network. This study also finds that both programs have failed to achieve stated goals as outlined in program documents for reasons relating to the political economy of either program, and the inability of either program to garner enough political capital to make achieving program goals a reality. This is particularly evident in the case of the CBSP, due to the institutional impediments discussed above, which exacerbates this tendency. This study recommends that both programs adopt more internalized financing regimes, and that the CBSP adopt a more decentralized, integrated and transparent management structure.
The growth of urban centres has become one of the most remarkable trends of the 20th century Africa. Mans’ inclination to agglomerate in large number in a few urban centres is quite impressive. No wonder about 10 of the fastest growing cities in the world are found in Africa with an annual average growth rate of 3.5 percent and presently the fastest in the world. (UN World Urbanisation Prospect, 2014). The urbanisation process is accelerate by the dynamisms of the socio-political and economic conditions of the contemporary times, coupled with the increasing migration that takes place in Africa. As the ever increasing urban population lead to proliferation of cities, certain environmental, legal, institutional and other problems arise resulting in ineffective urban governance. This paper therefore examined the problem issues that have negative impacts on urban governance in Africa. Eeffective urban governance is to be understood from the perspective of Associative Network model. Data was basically drawn from secondary sources. Findings showed that effective urban governance hinges on efficient local government through synergy and collaboration of all stake holders, multi level government, public /private partnership, greater space for public participation etc.
Transitional societies face a myriad of problems which include incessant conflicts. Some scholars and international financial institutions believed that neoliberal economic growth and policies in support of them would reduce poverty and end conflicts. While not disputing the role of economic growth in a country’s development, this paper takes the view that a holistic approach that recognizes good governance can do more to promote sustainable peace and development. The methodology for this paper was content analysis of official documents, articles and other written sources. The paper observes that the absence of good governance has provided a fertile ground for some of these conflicts to emerge such as insurrections, insurgencies, and general insecurity of lives and property. It concludes that a developmental model that takes cognizance of this can provide the best option for emerging societies in need of lasting peace.
Regulating access to common resources and organizing their exploitation is, usually, the responsibility of local authorities and the object of local governance. However, in ski resorts, participating the private sector in territorial management could have a better impact on resource preservation due to the seasonality of ski dynamism and its impact on network efficacy. This article aims to study the concept of local network governance and to examine its influence on sustainable development. The effectiveness of this governance is illustrated by the case of Mzaar ski-resort in Lebanon.
The work focuses on the traditional African governance; it specifically examines those traditional forms of governance that made the society to stand firmly before the advent of Europeans. Many of these traditions were not written down, there were no constitutions; it was just a commitment to make the society move. If constitutionalism is defined as a commitment to limitations on political powers, then it is possible to have such a commitment without a single documentary constitution most especially when commitment is in the blood and culture of the people and at the same time, those people have a keen sense of their own identity.In this work, we will interrogate traditional culture of governance in some communities in Africa. We will examine how effective that governance was and then see the level of commitment to limitation on political power (constitutionalism) and whether some of the relics of governance are still preserved till today. This paper therefore, will employ the conceptual, analytical and reconstructive research methods. While the conceptual method will focus on clarifying key concepts such as constitutionalism, commitment, governance, tradition and culture; the analytical method will examine the period of governance before the advent of Europeans. The reconstructive method will establish the need for this commitment in today Africa.
Toward The Adoption of a Governance Model in Zakat Foundations: The Case of the Algerian Zakat Fund (Published)
This study aims to clarify the developmental role of Zakat foundations, and the active role of governance principles and mechanisms in increasing theirefficient performance, demonstrate the impact of the Algerian Zakat Fund on the Algerian economy and society, and to highlight the importance of the Algerian Zakat Fund governance in its ability to continuity and achieving the interests of the different parties. It concluded to the need to follow the latest methods and formulas to mobilize and update Zakat resources, establish institutional and legal mechanisms, raise the regulatory bodies efficiency for activating the economic, social and cultural role of Zakat foundations as State institutions which enjoy full autonomy and necessary powers in order to achieve their role in the Algerian society, and adopt specialized competencies to ensure seriousness and effectiveness in the management of the Algerian Zakat Fund in order to reassurepeople who give Zakat on the good management of Zakat resources properties.
Much of Africa is presently firmly committed to advancing the standards of democracy and human rights that has become topical over the past two decades. Priority reforms to forge a non formidable democratic rule that will secure and maintain the sovereignty of the African nation include the need to improve on both the information society and knowledge economy. This shades light on one of the key phenomenon in the digital age which is our strong dependence on information systems in our life styles, living conditions and our security. Cyber security is a phenomenon which is closely tied to the rapid expansion of information and communication technologies. It has taken a global proportion and occurs across Africa as well as the world in general such that no individual society can disregard it. But Africa has a huge challenge on the face of high rate of cyber crime, cyber terrorism, cyber fraud, cyber attacks and cyber warfare. These cyber threats do not only constitute challenges to humanity and its governance mechanism but they also show us beyond doubt that our policies, institutions, infrastructure and our defense and security systems are not only unprotected but are fragile in nature. The cyber criminals used these threats to continue their malicious pursuit for spying, destabilizing people, organizations and governance perpetrating sabotage or destroying information systems thereby provoking fear psychosis. This highlights the shortcomings and weaknesses of security, governance systems and sovereignty in general. In this environment of growing insecurity, the digital divide is widening to Africa’s detriment and getting trivialized in the same way as poverty that ravages Africa. The continent is still not enjoying all the dividend of digital technology and yet it suffers all the disadvantages more than any other. This work is set to anticipate and analyse governance trend in the face of Africa’s cyber security and sovereignty issues and challenges. To do so we shall identify the barriers to digital sovereignty by securing the digital and technological sovereignty of states in Africa by proposing ways and means of achieving this digital sovereignty. Again, we shall suggest ways of promoting democracy by preserving fundamental rights and civil liberties especially by protecting personal data and to propose the areas where Africa needs to refine its cyber legislation so as to deepen trust in the information society. This is what this work is set to achieve.
This work interrogates constitutionalism and good governance in Africa. Constitutionalism is a form of political thought and action that seeks to prevent tyranny and guarantees the liberty and rights of individuals within the state. It is also an essential tool to achieve public accountability, the end of which is good governance. While good governance entails efficient and effective use of power and resources. In this paper, the researcher studies the governance in Africa with the hope of finding out whether the system feet in with what is call good governance as it is been champion all over the world. In the course of this research we discovered that a lot of hindrances are on the African way to the realization of good governance, colonialist and African leaders bear the blame. The work concluded that; since colonialist are at the fore front of propagation for good governance, it is very important for them to correct the wrong of the past and where they are still serving as hindrances; they should endeavour to make an amendment for the good of mankind. And at the same time the Africa leaders should be ready to learn from the past and make necessary amendment so that Africa can move forward.
An Evaluation of the Challenges of Representation to Public Policy Formulation and Implementation in Nigeria (Published)
The study examined how the challenges faced by the democratic principle of representation affect public policy formulation and implementation. If it were possible for constituencies to directly deal with governments in making their inputs in public policy formulation and implementation, they would have been better disposed to pass on their felt needs for inclusion in the formulation and implementation of public policies. But since this is not possible for logistic reasons associated with the governmental processes, representation has thus become inevitable. However, much as representation is meant to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of governance, it faces challenges that limit its ability to wholly pass across the wishes and needs of the constituencies for inclusion in government policies and programmes. In examining these challenges, questionnaire were administered to 480 respondents who are politically conscious with a minimum of first degree graduate education. The location of the survey was Enugu state of Nigeria and respondents were free to respond to the questions as it applied to their various constituencies. The study found out, among other things, that there is hardly existing constituency benchmarks which guide representatives, against which their representative functions are evaluated. Secondly, there are no defined channels through which constituencies regularly communicate their needs and issue positions to be considered in policy formulation and programmes to their representatives. Thirdly, there are no functional machinery charged with regular assessment of legislators to ascertain their level of compliance or otherwise with the issue position of their constituencies. Fourthly, the level of confidence constituents have in their representatives to take the right decision/position on issues concerning their constituencies is significantly low. Fifthly, constituents do not know the voting pattern of their representatives in the various Legislatures to ascertain their level of responsiveness to constituency needs. Finally, the interest of political parties that produced candidates for election into the Legislature over the years do not reflected the interest of the constituencies. In view of the foregoing findings, the study recommended the need for constituency-articulated benchmark to guide representative activities. Secondly, the electoral process should allow independent candidacy to make it possible for constituencies to elect candidates with credible character that win the confidence of their constituents. Thirdly, there should be a regular channel of communication between representatives and their constituencies which should also serve the purpose of evaluating the performance of representatives. Fourthly, a voting method in the legislature that makes it possible for constituency members to access the voting records of their representatives need be introduced. Fifthly, the political system needs to evolve a system that allows a fuller public participation in the crafting, implementation and evaluation of public policies.
The Collapse of Probity and Good Governance in Nigeria: The Bureaucracy Discharged But Not Acquitted (Published)
It is fifty-four years since the British colonial overlords departed Nigerian geo-political space living the stage for indigenous rulers. Fifty four years of independence provides opportunity for discourse, on good governance as Nigeria features prominently in the crises in Africa. Literature is awash with prognoses on the probable causes of this parlous state. There is a growing consensus that lack of probity and accountability are responsible for the appalling governance situation in Africa. Scholars in Nigeria taking a cue from polemics on politics and administration dichotomy and its dialectics in the western hemisphere have been arguing about the helplessness of public administration in Nigeria’s crisis of governance. Tracing the history of Nigeria’s political leadership and its bureaucracy, the paper provides a descriptive analysis of the crisis in Nigeria within the context of the nature of political leadership (colonial, post-colonial, military and civilian) and argues that neither Nigerian political leadership nor the bureaucracy are blameless using the theoretical stand-points of structural/functionalism and elitism especially in view of the influential role the bureaucracy had opportunity to play during the inexperienced three decades of military rule out of Nigeria’s five decades of independence. Recommendations include: a coherent and comprehensive bureaucratic reform that will wean the Nigerian public service from western-inspired top-down development paradigm to bottom-up approach; that there should be social re-orientation designed to eschew primordial values that promote nepotism and mediocrity; that merit should not be sacrificed on the altar of “sense of self-belonging” in Nigerian federation; and that Max Weber bureaucratic model should be adapted to grass-roots participatory governance.
Challenges of Local Government Administration in Nigeria: Lessons from Comparative Analysis (Published)
Local government administration in Nigeria is classified as the third tier of government while several problems have been its recurring decimal and various reforms since 1976 haven’t been able to make the system effective and responsible to developmental challenges. Most responses to the challenges have concentrated on looking inward for respite without much success informed this the paper to examine the lessons that could be learnt from comparative local government studies from nations like United States of America, France, India and Britain. It is a descriptive study that relied on secondary data sources. The paper revealed that the challenges inhibiting efficient service delivery range from undue intervention by the state governments, the structure, corruption, over politicization of administration and staffing which were not found to be so in other systems. The study concluded that the challenges are institutional and attitudinal in nature which could be addressed given that there is the political will by the Federal and State governments. It recommended a democratized multilayer local government system, legal framework to checkmate excessive intervention by State government, enhancement of human resources capacity and accountable leadership.
THE INTERFACE BETWEEN GOVERNMENT POLICIES, HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT AND POVERTY REDUCTION IN NIGERIA (Published)
There can be no significant development in any country without functional and adequate human capital development. The reasonability of every government is determined to a larger extent on the ability of the government to better the lives of its citizens through the development of sound macroeconomic policies that will reduce poverty and inequality, controlled growth rate of population, attainment of high per capita income, programmed external borrowing and so on. The cumulative effect of these is to a greater extent the elimination of poverty and inequality in a nation. On the contrary, the major issues of critical concern in Nigeria in particular and developing nations in general are weak and poor policies resulting into high level of poverty and inequality. In view of the above, this paper seeks to examine the relationship between Government Policies, Human Capital Development, Poverty and Inequality Reduction thereby examining the policies of various regimes in Nigeria and how these policies have affected level of inequality and poverty in Nigeria. The following questions were raised to guide the writing of this paper. 1. What is meant by the following concepts: governance, poverty, inequality, human capital development? 2. What are the causes of poverty in Nigeria? 3. What are the possible solutions to human capital development problems, inequality and poverty? 4. Can Nigeria meet the targets as set by MDGs by 2015?
The methodology adopted in this presentation is theoretical in approach. It is important to note that as laudable as some of these policies and programmes were, the sincerity of their establishment and poor implementation mechanism were the major causes of failure of these policies, resulting into high level of poverty and inequality in the society. In view of this, the paper therefore recommended that there should always be sincerity in the establishment of policies, faithful implementation of transformation agenda, NEEDs, MDGs, and other supportive programmes, full and proper implementation of Universal Basic Education and other structural levels of our educational policy to mention just a few.
Morocco is the world’s leading producer and exporter of canned sardines. However, this product value chain encounters multiple challenges. This study explores how such a chain could create and capture a larger value added share within the European market. Surveys using questionnaires and open interviews have been carried out including a sample of relevant actors in the chain. The results show that the value chain is substantially driven by European retailers who create 68% of the total value added; while Moroccan canning industry remains relatively less wealth-building and captures less income. The improvement strategy should foster better vertical cooperation among actors, a common commercial policy and an innovative diversification of the Moroccan offer.
THE COLLAPSE OF PROBITY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA- THE BUREAUCRACY DISCHARGED BUT NOT ACQUITTED (Published)
: It is fifty-four years since the British colonial overlords departed Nigerian geo-political space living the stage for indigenous rulers. Fifty four years of independence provides opportunity for discourse, on good governance as Nigeria features prominently in the crises in Africa. Literature is awash with prognoses on the probable causes of this parlous state. There is a growing consensus that lack of probity and accountability are responsible for the appalling governance situation in Africa. Scholars in Nigeria taking a cue from polemics on politics and administration dichotomy and its dialectics in the western hemisphere have been arguing about the helplessness of public administration in Nigeria’s crisis of governance. Tracing the history of Nigeria’s political leadership and its bureaucracy, the paper provides a descriptive analysis of the crisis in Nigeria within the context of the nature of political leadership (colonial, post-colonial, military and civilian) and argues that neither Nigerian political leadership nor the bureaucracy are blameless using the theoretical stand-points of structural/functionalism and elitism especially in view of the influential role the bureaucracy had opportunity to play during the inexperienced three decades of military rule out of Nigeria’s five decades of independence. Recommendations include: a coherent and comprehensive bureaucratic reform that will wean the Nigerian public service from western-inspired top-down development paradigm to bottom-up approach; that there should be social re-orientation designed to eschew primordial values that promote nepotism and mediocrity; that merit should not be sacrificed on the altar of “sense of self-belonging” in Nigerian federation; and that Max Weber bureaucratic model should be adapted to grass-roots participatory governance
THE IMPACT OF CORPORATE GOVERNANCE PRINCIPLES APPLICATION ON FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OF PUBLIC SHAREHOLDING COMPANIES LISTED IN AMMAN STOCK EXCHANGE (Published)
This study aimed to investigate the extent of corporate governance principles in the public shareholding companies listed on the First Market in Amman Stock Exchange .To achieve the objective of this study , the researchers distributed 55 questionnaires to first market companies in Amman Stock Exchange, The results showed that there is a strong application of corporate governance principles in the public shareholding companies listed in the First Market in the Amman Stock Exchange .Moreover there is a declination in staff awareness of public shareholding companies listed in the First Market in the Amman Stock Exchange , the importance of corporate governance and its principles .In addition, there is also a declination related to hide some information to shareholders , whether financial or non-financial , and a declination of disclosing strengths and weaknesses points , either in company’s financial system or its disclosures annual reports management in the, and a decrease in Board of Directors member occupation of any executive function ,either with or without salary
The aim of this paper is to evaluate the status and impact of reforms in governance which has been taken by various governments in Bangladesh since its independence. In doing so, the paper highlights on two reform packages New Public Management (NPM) of OECD member countries and Good Governance (GG) of donor agencies and its impact on Bangladeshi governance. Bangladesh was a colony of British and Pakistan over two centuries. As a result, at the initial stage of independence; the inherited administrative structure failed to manage the postcolonial economy and expectation of citizens of independent Bangladesh, which hinders to implement most of the reform efforts. Civil-military elitism dominated the bureaucracy that caused the lessening of accountability of the administration; as a result, corruption, inefficiency and ineffectiveness of administration appear to exemplify Bangladeshi governance. The learning lessons for public administration is lack of appropriate political leadership, unrealistic and ambitious reform initiatives, incapacity of government, chaotic political culture, absence of permanent reform institution, and lack of strong political will are responsible for futile to implement any reform initiative. Apart from these, some important elements of New Public Management (NPM) and Good Governance (GG) has been bespoke by recent past governments in governance process through policy initiatives to make the administration more accountable and citizen centric which is a very good sign of good governance in Bangladesh. Therefore, the impact of reform strategies of western world (NPM) and donor agencies (GG) influenced the third world countries like Bangladesh which ultimately transforming the literature of Public Administration to Public Management.