Ethnic-Based Political Parties: Challenges And Prospects For National Unity Of Ethiopia In The Post 1991 (Published)
The aim of the paper is to investigate the challenges and prospects of ethnic-based politics on national unity of Ethiopia. To address the objectives of the study, the researcher employed qualitative approach with case study as study design and used primary and secondary data sources. Primary data was collected from the key informant interview and FGDs. Secondary data was collected from different books, reports, journals, published and unpublished proclamations, conference papers, dissertations and FDRE constitution. In this study the researcher has been used purposive sampling and thematic analysis method based on the objectives of the study. With the view of ensuring unity with diversity the finding of the study has revealed that ethnic-based political parties have daunting challenges for national unity. In this regard, they are playing in the politicizing of ethnicities, ethnic autonomy conflicts and intra-regional boundary conflicts and self-determination and secessionists feeling were discussed on the challenges of national unity for the country. Despite the negative impacts there appeared to be helped role in the empowerment of minority groups and advocacy of culture of ethnic groups in Ethiopia. Consequently, to realization of national unity of Ethiopia, the possible tools have been investigated: the constitutional and electoral reform, the intra-regional boundary demarcation, empowerment of multinational and civic oriented political parties, national consensus and reconciliation. The researcher argues that ethnic politics can also be playing divisive factors which can seriously challenging the mutual existence of Ethiopia and make the quest for national unity difficult. Therefore, it recommends that the view that national unity can be achieved when ethnic politics becomes a tool for the accommodation of diverse political programs.
Influence of Learning English on Identity Switch among Senior Secondary School Students in owerri Zone, Imo State, Nigeria (Published)
This study investigated the influence of learning English on identity switch among senior secondary school students in Owerri zone, Imo State Nigeria. Data for the study were collected by means of a structured and pre-tested questionnaire based on Likert 5-point ratings. The data were analyzed by using Mann-Whitney method of estimating mean scores. Results showed that students are more elated using English in their communications than Igbo, their first language (L1). Findings showed that the influence of English on the cultural identity of the respondents is such that many feel uncomfortable in the midst of their compatriots who do not speak English. Finally, the study demonstrated that Students learning English in Owerri zone switch their identities to suit the target language. The study recommended that productive bilingualism can serve as an educational objective, where teachers may simultaneously cultivate learners’ intrinsic interest, and positive attitudes and beliefs associated with the target language and culture on one hand, and the native language (Igbo) and culture on the other hand.
The study hinged on the investigation of ethnicity and the East African political, social, and economic unity. The study employed a descriptive cross- sectional research design, with qualitative and quantitative approaches. The study used 385 respondents, selected using random and purposive sampling techniques in the study selected areas in Masaka, Katuna, Nimule, Kampala, Malaba and Mutukula. The study discovered that, ethnicity has negatively influenced the formation of the East African political, social and economic unity of Ugandans. The study concluded, that the different and contrasting interpretation of cultures, norms, customs and traditions of the Ugandan people cannot allow the idea of the East African federation to be successful as it is projected in the political, social, and economic spheres on Ugandans. The study recommended for the establishment of a cultural model federation that is widely open politically, socially and economically to all groups of people in the region.
Ethnicity is a major factor in the fierce struggle for relevance and survival in Nigeria’s economic and socio-political space. Ethnic minorities, from the onset, are a hugely disadvantaged category in the battle. For one, just about 60 years ago, the over 200 ethnic groups were “unrecognized” and subsumed under larger ones in the three regions of the country. In the North, the pursuit of Islamization (Jihad), the advent of Christian Missionary drive, and the British colonial policy of Indirect rule led to minority languages and cultural practices being considered “second rate” and even, “obscene”. This is a study of how the Eggon, a group that was not conquered, sustained and used its performing arts to drive the mission of identity, self- actualization and group aspiration. From a qualitative framework, the study descriptively analyses the artistic milestones that sustained Eggon values and response to various challenges. The kernel of the work are the prospects offered to their struggle by the limitless possibilities of technology to performing arts. In particular, the modest first steps by the Eggon Carnival and Home video Industry is X-rayed, against the background of their current socio-political challenges. The study concludes that the new advancements in technology will not only promote and expand the production and consumption of performing arts in general, but serve as a veritable vehicle for projecting the identity and aspiration of Nigeria’s ethnic minorities, which the Eggon symbolizes in this study
Ethnics religious crises in Nigeria are deeply rooted and is threatening the very survival of the nation. It has negatively impacted on the socio-economic and bureaucratic landscape of Nigeria. To the degree that a lot of issues that should have been resolved are unnecessarily ethicised. It is persistent that the grievances, which normally provoke ethnic religious are most often than not demonstrated through sectarian crises, tribal unrests, bitter political complaints usually stoked by political elites, Incendiary media rhetoric reports and violent insurgents.The arguments in this study are reinforced through secondary source of data collection. Also, historical analysis of event is adopted due to the fact that Nigeria Society is better understood with reference to history.The story finds out that since the Colonial periods up till now, there have been ethnic and religious minorities that harbour grievance against the majorities. In view of the current events unfolding in the country the need has arisen for academic perusal on the issue in order to profer enduring panacea to checkmate the disintegration that may be invoked by ethnic-religiou palaver.
South Sudan is in deep trouble despite the armistice signed on 9 May 2014. What promised to be a peaceful independent state suddenly descended into chaos and bloodshed. The key goal of this paper is to highlight how the struggle for power in Africa’s newest state casts darkness on the future of the nation and the continent at large. Despite competition for power being the crux of the matter, the conflict was aggravated by the fact that it contained ethnic overtones, an aspect dominant in the whole economic spectrum of the country
Nigeria is a plural society. By this is meant the country is a melting pot of ethnic nationalities, class, regions, religions and other socio-cultural markers. Its pluralism has shaped and continued to manifest in its politics. The political class, in collaboration with their religious counterparts has exploited ethnicity and religion as symbols of mobilization and instrument of negotiation for patronages and sharing of national resources. Thus, most conflicts which ordinarily could have been seen as distribution based had assumed ethnic and religious character. These conflicts are virulent and had caused destruction of lives and property of innocent Nigerians. The conflicts have also undermined the peaceful coexistence among the Nigerian peoples, thus scuttling the integration efforts of the country. This study Is both interrogative analytical. It is interrogative to the extent that it searches for the causes of ethno-religious conflicts in the country. The study is also analytical in the sense that it explains from the frog’s eye view, the variables responsible for those interminable conflicts.The study concludes that the failure of the Nigerian political elite to establish good governance, forge national unity and promote economic development is at the base of communal, ethnic and religious conflicts in the country. The study opines that the country might suffer disintegration if this trend persists, especially with the internecine Boko-Haram insurgency and the perennial settler-indigene conflicts in the Middle-belt, that is, Plateau and Benue sections of the country
This Study empirically examined the nature of the relationship between Workforce Diversity Management and Corporate Performance of manufacturing firms in Nigeria. Despite efforts aimed at optimizing the performance of firms in Nigeria, a nation of many diverse people, not much appears to have been achieved. To address this lacuna, primary data was collected from Forty-two registered firms in South-South Nigeria using a five-point Likert-type scale questionnaire and personal interviews. The Spearman Rank Order Correlation Coefficient at 95% confidence level and the Hierarchical Multiple Regression model were used to analyse the data. The findings revealed that the apparent low performance rate of the Study firms may be traceable to poor management of surface and deep level diversity. To optimize Corporate Performance therefore, it was recommended that managers should ensure that employees are “not at all” disturbed by issues bothering on diversity as raised in this paper
The centrality of power in any political setting is axiomatic. Small wonder or no wonder capturing it has almost become a do or die affairs. It is incontrovertible that the nationalist struggle was not a power tussle among Nigerians but rather between Nigerians and the British colonialists. However, towards the twilight of independence, Nigeria’s political terrain has been fraught with rabid competition for power even up till now. While in other climes, leadership position to a reasonable extent is tied mainly to performance criteria, in Nigeria, it is laced with economic and ethnic connotations. The above scenario has become a perennial as well as recurring decimal in Nigeria. The corollary is the furore surrounding the 2015 general elections. The power melodrama pundits argue if not well managed can have serious implication for democratic consolidation particularly as the country approaches another election year. The paper affirmed that power sharing or rotational presidency lacks legitimacy. It assessed the federal character principle as enshrined in the 1999 constitution of Nigeria. The work examined the hurdles to 2015 general elections. It concluded by proposing some policy options while relying on secondary source of data.
This article is focussed on the role of post-colonial bureaucracy in a former princely state Khairpur (Pakistan). It is argued that the bureaucracy treated people in a similar way the colonial bureaucracy dealt with people of British India. This paper also argues that the post-colonial bureaucracy has played largely a political role since the inception of Pakistan in 1947. During the One-Unit Scheme (1955-1970) it became a tool to monopolise power, dominate people and control the resources in a similar way the colonial bureaucracy did it in British India. Thus, the post-colonial bureaucracy failed to appreciate the formation of new public space and the emergence of rural change as an outcome of technological change in agriculture.