Succession process is a major issue regarding a private, family business, all over the world. This single case investigated a limestone family business, located at Goianesia, Goias State, Brazilian Center west region, addressing the pitfalls and challenges of its succession process. After the 2008 recession crisis, due to laid-off workers, the number of family–owned businesses increased drastically all over the world, pushing families to create home-based, mostly internet, low-cost businesses. In North America, for instance, family business represents over 50 percent of the GDP. In emerging markets, such as Brazil, family business represents near 95 percent of the small and medium enterprises. However, an increasing number of home-made companies does not reach the second generation of owners. In consequence, when the transition process fails, sometimes both business and family ties end broken. This article addressed a successful story of a formerly conflicting transition process, regarding a second generation family-owned, Brazilian limestone and dolomite company. Recommendations to managers and practitioners complete the present work.
Reflections on International Sanctions as Conflict Management Tools within the Collective Security System (Published)
Within international relations settings, the debate regarding the use and effectiveness of international sanctions as conflict management tools transcends an academic debate. In this paper, we discussed the application of sanctions and its variations that have contributed to conflict resolution in post-World War II era. We argued that the United Nations (a progeny of the collective security system after the League of Nations) has applied sanctions to manage a chunk of protracted conflicts, although in some cases such attempts have rather exacerbated conflicts. And to that extent, the role of international sanctions in this whole collective engagement business is never a write-off. We suggested that, sanctions that are a form of punishment are usually applied in response to aggressive actions, which aim at compelling wrong-doers to comply with laid down rules and norms. This work attempts an evaluation on the potency of this rather controversial technique that has been prescribed for under Articles 39, 41 and 42 of United Nations Charter. ; as a method that can be implored by member-states to enforce international law rules, of course with the expressed approval of the Security Council.
Conflict is inevitable and part of the society. A conflict can be encountered in the home, between a husband and his wife, between parents and their children. Conflicts can also be between friends, colleagues, a teacher and his students, and even between religious leaders, politicians, traders, just mention it. Conflict is not entirely negative. The society needs conflict to advance as conflicts enable people know their rights, duties and short comings. The manner a conflict is handled is very important. Language at this juncture, plays an indispensable role in managing conflicts on one hand, and on the other hand, escalating a conflict. In other words, the paper explores language as an instrument capable of deescalating or escalating a conflict.
African Union and Conflict Management in Africa: The Role of Communication in the Effectiveness of Future Interventions (Published)
As a continent with all kinds of existing and emerging conflicts, Africa needs to invest hugely in conflict prevention, resolution and management in order to move towards the desired goal of integration, political stability and economic growth. Without peace and stability, it is impossible for development to occur. Since the end of colonial rule, the retrogression of many African countries has been traced to conflicts and the failure of extant resolution mechanisms to address the root causes of discontent, injustice and socio-political exclusion. The fact that conflicts now assume transnational and international dimensions has elevated the need for greater collaboration and cooperation among countries in conflict management, especially through the platforms provided by international organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU). The African Union has been particularly instrumental not only in the identification, resolution and management of intrastate and cross-national conflicts in Africa, but also in the provision of a framework for multilayer co-operation, partnership and integration between governments and multinational actors across the continent. This paper is an attempt to evaluate the performance of the AU in the management of conflicts across the continent. To this end, the interventions of the AU in the conflicts in Burundi and Sudan were used as case studies. Specifically, this paper is of the opinion that indigenous conflict management techniques built upon traditional communication systems should be incorporated in a new approach to conflict management, if the African Union is desirous of impacting meaningfully on regional peace and security.
The period between 2003 and 2009 witnessed an intensification of military insurgency and a dangerous degeneration of the conflict in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. The attacks on the oil production facilities by insurgent groups, sabotage by criminal syndicates and a flourishing kidnapping industry had transformed the Niger Delta from a region of political and social instability into a virtual war zone. Oil production had declined by over a million barrels, to about 1.6 million barrels per day. Major oil companies started relocating or shutting down their facilities from the region as the violence, which eventually spread to the other parts of the country could not be repressed by the heavily armed Joint Task Force (JTF) of the Nigerian Military. The implication of the crisis for the political and economic survival of Nigeria is believed to have propelled the Yar’adua administration in mid-2009 to offer ‘amnesty’ to the militants as part of a negotiated process of ending the insurgency in the region, while the issues in the conflict were being addressed by the government. This novel and unprecedented strategy was and still remains controversial but many agree that the problem of insurgency in the region was reasonably contained for several years following the offer of amnesty. This paper is an attempt to analyze the relevance of this policy as a negotiation strategy and a conflict management tool that can be used for future interventions in similar conflicts within the country and across the continent.
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL LEADERS IN THE RESOLUTION OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN YOBE STATE, NORTH- EAST REGION – NIGERIA (Published)
This study investigates the role of political leaders and the management of political violence in Yobe State, North –east region of Nigeria. Nigeria transited to democratic governance on May 29th, 1999 with much fanfare and great expectations. Despite the euphoria and sentiments especially from the political class, that would greet the celebrations, it is rather debatable whether there is any specific social, political and economic development in Yobe state and Nigeria generally due to the persistent spate of political violence. It is against this background that this study examines the role political leaders have played in promoting and curbing political violence in Yobe state with particular reference to the activities of the Jammatul Ahlis Sunnah Lidda’awati wal jihad (Boko Haram). This study is also timely due to the fact that the country is presently confronted with serious security challenges. The study is therefore guided by the following research proposition: Political violence is not an expression of systemic leadership failure. To achieve this objective therefore, the study employed the qualitative methods as the main research methodology, which was supplemented by basic quantitative methods. These two methods complemented each other through triangulation. Chart for data analysis was drawn using the 2003 Microsoft Excel XP Version 10 package. The study also utilized secondary data through an extensive review of literature in order to provide a foundation on which the empirical data was built. in fact; a sample of 510 respondents was randomly selected and administered with the questionnaire from 6 local government areas in Yobe state. The study used the conjectural political conflict model as the main theoretical framework. From the empirical data analyzed, the study revealed that political leaders have not done much in the management of political violence in Yobe State. The study therefore recommends amongst others that political leaders should be bold and have an articulate leadership style that would effectively manage and prevent conflict in Yobe state